The roots of Central American migration: gang violence, civil war, poverty, the lack of employment to sustain a family

Print More

Founder, director of Posada Guadalupe
San Antonio

For the past several weeks the national attention has been focused on what is occurring at our southern border. The humanitarian crisis unfolding there is of particular interest to me because I have spent a good part of my life in Latin America, mostly in Central America.

On Friday, March 26, a delegation of 19 Republican senators toured the US/Mexico border, to see first-hand what is going on with the countless of migrants attempting to enter into the United States.

At the same time, a delegation of Democrats from the House of Representatives led by Joaquin Castro paid a visit to a shelter for minors in Carrizo Springs. 

It is good that members of the Government are taking this issue seriously. This is one of the very few issues that both parties can agree on — that the situation is very serious. 

Agreement on how to resolve it, however, is nowhere in sight.

In my view, a major part of the problem is that we seem only willing to address the matter with bandages, like setting a broken leg with duct tape. 

The question that so many people raise is WHY? Why do so many people risk everything they have, including their very lives to come to this country? It is true that people want a better life than what is possible in their home countries, Honduras, Guatemala, El Salvador. But why are the people so bereft of opportunities? This is where we need to look at history.

Back in the 1950s, the United Fruit Company went to Honduras to plant bananas. They cut a deal with the government in Tegucigalpa and ended up with some of the most fertile land in the country, ideal for their banana plantations. They hired peasants, from whom they had swindled their land, to do the labor for them. They installed a railroad to get the product from the field to the port to be shipped to the U.S. The labor conditions were worse than horrible, and when one of the workers died of malaria, his family was evicted from the company housing, and another person was hired.

The United Fruit Company was not satisfied with their crops in Honduras; they wanted more. So, they went to Guatemala to do the same. In Guatemala, the freely, democratically elected president, Jacobo Arbenz, said no. Not willing to take no for an answer, however, the banana company appealed to one of their stock holders who had substantial influence in Washington — John Foster Dulles, the Secretary of State under President Eisenhower. He was quoted as saying, “We have a communist in Guatemala and we need to take him out.” And take him out they did. Arbanz was able to escape to Mexico, but that event unleashed a thirty-six-year civil war in Guatemala, in which thousands upon thousands of indigenous people were slaughtered.

Some years later, Bishop Alvaro Ramazzini, of Huehuetenango, Guatemala, stated before a U.S. Congressional sub-committee, that the Guatemalan farmer can compete with the U.S. farmer, but cannot compete the U.S. Treasury, which gives huge subsidies to the farmers here, who in turn dump their grain on the Central American markets. One such farmer in Michoacan, Mexico told me that it is cheaper for him to buy corn imported from the United States than to grow it himself. Granted, that was in Mexico, but the same is true of Central America.

The experience of El Salvador is different, but no less cruel. Unrest due to lack of opportunity and disparity of wealth had been simmering for some time, then, on March 24, 1980, Archbishop Romero, who constantly spoke out is support of the dignity of the poor, was gunned down by a military death squad — a murder that, to this day, has not been resolved. This act was the straw that broke the camel’s back, and an all-out civil war, supported by the U.S. government ensued, lasting twelve years, leaving seventy-five thousand dead. 

What happens then, is that all these generations later, young people from south of the border are coming north, in the hopes of finding work to sustain their families, and lest it be left out of the equation, to escape the violence of the gangs (another topic to be discussed separately) that run rampant in all of the cities of what is known as the Northern Triangle of Central America — Honduras, Guatemala, El Salvador. 

I speak here with authority, having lived in our Franciscan missions in Honduras and El Salvador for a number of years. One of my good friends was gunned down in broad daylight in El Salvador. Two weeks later I was kidnapped at gunpoint, and all my confreres in El Salvador have been assaulted, sometimes on the street, sometimes on the bus.

Contrary to public belief, those coming north are not thieves, drug dealers, rapists, murderers etc. 

But the common refrain we hear from politicians is that they take our jobs (such as roofing work under the brutal San Antonio sun during the months of June, July, and August or crawling under a house to dig a post hole to level it), they don’t pay taxes, and they all take advantage of our welfare programs. Of course, this is not true, but it does instill fear in people and garner votes. The only way we can convince people of the truth is to invite them to come and get to know some of the people who are “taking our jobs.” They will discover that they are just like us, with the same love for their families and the same desire to make a contribution to society as anyone else.

So, as I repeat, it is good that legislators are taking a serious look at the current situation at our southern border, but until we have the courage to take a serious look at our complicity in that situation, Republicans and Democrats will continue to fight like cats and dogs and nothing will get better.

2 thoughts on “The roots of Central American migration: gang violence, civil war, poverty, the lack of employment to sustain a family

  1. I lived at 701 Zaragoza St., now International Bridge II. I never turned away nor reported another human being crossing through my “jardin” or running over the roof from the side yard. Love was in the air. They were crossing to visit their girlfriends, “maids” in someone’s home. Or maybe they were swimming some non-toxic marijuana across to a dealer who paid them grocery money. That’s what Sister Cities do; love and help the citizenry. México is more than a neighboring country. Our welfare and futures are inextricably connected. They are our brothers and sisters coming from the South and we are bound to care for them. Are we our brother’s keeper, all you holy Christians?

  2. I lived at 701 Zaragoza St., now International Bridge II. I never turned away nor reported another human being crossing through my “jardin” or running over the roof from the side yard. Love was in the air. They were crossing to visit their girlfriends, “maids” in someone’s home. Or maybe they were swimming some non-toxic marijuana across to a dealer who paid them grocery money. That’s what Sister Cities do; love and help the citizenry. México is more than a neighboring country. Our welfare and futures are inextricably connected. They are our brothers and sisters coming from the South and we are bound to care for them. Are we our brother’s keeper, all you holy Christians?

    And I’ll say it again and again until the suffering ceases.